https://journals.bsu.by/index.php/internationalRelations/issue/feedJournal of the Belarusian State University. International Relations2024-08-23T16:26:17+03:00Селиванов Андрей Владимирович / Andrey Selivanovselivanych@bsu.byOpen Journal Systemshttps://journals.bsu.by/index.php/internationalRelations/article/view/6345Grand strategy in US and China foreign policy: seeking world hegemony or promoting global harmony?2024-08-23T16:26:12+03:00Iryna I. Kaviakaklq2034@mail.ru<p>The dawn of the 21<sup>st</sup> century has witnessed seismic shifts in the dynamics of international relations and the global strategies of leading powers. The US and China, as major players in the world arena, confront both shared threats and unique national characteristics for the first time in history. Discussion of a great power’s foreign policy typically involves an exploration of its grand strategy. However, interpretations of this concept can vary significantly, influenced by each nation’s political philosophy, historical trajectory, and geopolitical priorities. This article aims to elucidate the stable theoretical underpinnings of the US and Chinese global policies, to compare their ultimate aspirations within their grand strategies and the way they seek to achieve these goals, to examine their mutual perceptions in global politics, often marked by misunderstandings, to assess whether the American model of world hegemony and the Chinese vision of global harmony are compatible within contemporary international relations.</p>2024-07-04T00:00:00+03:00Copyright (c) 2024 Journal of the Belarusian State University. International Relationshttps://journals.bsu.by/index.php/internationalRelations/article/view/6181Why China – US confrontation persists: the unabated ideological conflict2024-08-23T16:26:13+03:00Mingyue Liu mingyue054@gmail.com<p>The opposition between China and the US is a reflection of the major global contests of the 21<sup>st</sup> century. At its core, this conflict represents a rivalry between two distinct ideologies: liberal democracy and socialism with Chinese characteristics. Driven by these divergent ideological frameworks, Beijing and Washington exhibit uncompromising stances on a myriad of issues including the trade war, the Covid-19 pandemic, the special military operation in Ukraine, and the situation in Taiwan. The essence of this ongoing ideological struggle stems from the inability of US values, which champion a “free world”, to reconcile with China’s ideological objectives. The critical question about how will the escalating ideological conflict influence the global order amidst Sino-American rivalry still needs to be answered.</p>2024-07-04T00:00:00+03:00Copyright (c) 2024 Journal of the Belarusian State University. International Relationshttps://journals.bsu.by/index.php/internationalRelations/article/view/6371The history of the establishment and stages in the development of Confucius institutes (2004–2021)2024-08-23T16:26:13+03:00Hongchao Zhang 1519341399@qq.com<p>The author of the article examines the history of the establishment and distinct stages in the development of Confucius institutes, including their objectives, principles, and funding mechanisms. The challenges faced by Confucius institutes in various countries are also indentified. The author delineates stages of the development of Confucius institutes: 2004–2011 (the formative stage of the cultural-educational institution), 2012–2019 (the advanced operational stage), and 2020–2021 (the transformational stage characterised by comprehensive reforms in the institutes’ activities).</p>2024-07-04T00:00:00+03:00Copyright (c) 2024 Journal of the Belarusian State University. International Relationshttps://journals.bsu.by/index.php/internationalRelations/article/view/6362Problem areas of the scholarship on China’s maritime policy in contemporary international relations studies2024-08-23T16:26:14+03:00Zengyi Yao yao.zengyi@bk.ru<p>This study explores the degree of the scholarly examination of China’s maritime policy within modern political science. Through this analysis, several key problem areas have been identified: the influence of China’s historical perception as a regional leader on its maritime policy, the evaluation of China’s naval capabilities, the foundational role of foreign policy principles for China’s maritime strategy, the consensus among international relations theorists that the intensification of China’s maritime policy is partly driven by US – China rivalry in the Asia – Pacific region, and the territorial disputes in the South China Sea as a primary source of regional instability. The study also proposes a new inquiry into the historical and contemporary contexts of China’s maritime policy evolution in the Asia – Pacific region, highlighting specific factors that shape the contemporary understanding of maritime security.</p>2024-07-04T00:00:00+03:00Copyright (c) 2024 Journal of the Belarusian State University. International Relationshttps://journals.bsu.by/index.php/internationalRelations/article/view/6187Belarusian national interests concerning the Northern Sea Route2024-08-23T16:26:14+03:00Andrei I. Frantsuzauandreifrantsuzau@gmail.com<p>This article examines the national interests of the Republic of Belarus concerning the Northern Sea Route, encompassing both economic aspects related to trade with East and Southeast Asian countries and strategic aspects of accessing northern oceanic ports. It outlines the policies of major Arctic and sub-Arctic states (Russia, China, Canada, the USA, Japan, and Northern European countries) regarding the Northen Sea Route, supported by historical and economic context. The article also analyses assessments by Western and Russian-speaking experts, highlighting key approaches to studying the Northen Sea Route and the Arctic region. Finally, the author hypothesises how the Northen Sea Route could facilitate trade between Eastern Europe and East and Southeast Asia, underlining Belarus’ potential role as a connecting state between these regions.</p>2024-07-04T00:00:00+03:00Copyright (c) 2024 Journal of the Belarusian State University. International Relationshttps://journals.bsu.by/index.php/internationalRelations/article/view/6359Waterway shipping and transit in Soviet-Polish relations in 1924–19332024-08-23T16:26:15+03:00Olga N. Borovskayaborovskaya-olga@mail.ru<p>This article examines the nuances of Soviet-Polish relations from 1921 to 1939, focusing on efforts to establish an effective transport and logistics model for border waterways. Although the Riga peace treaty of 18 March 1921, broadly addressed this issue, several political challenges needed to be overcome to fully resolve it, including devising suitable forms for transit trade operations, concluding a trade agreement, and finding a compromise in the Polish-Lithuanian conflict. Optimal export – import operations between the two parties hinged on their willingness to reach bilateral agreements and conventions. The study finds that using border rivers as secondary routes for transporting export goods from the BSSR to Poland and other Western markets was practical primarily for timber supplies. Wood rafting occurred along the rivers Viliya, Iliya, Dvinosa, Western Dvina, Sluch, Moroch, and Neman. Belarusian and allied timber processing organisations (such as “Zapadoles”, “Lesbel”, “Belsplavkontora”, and “Soyuzlesosplav”) sought to maximise the efficiency of these waterways due to their proximity to rich forests. The article highlights that following the Non-aggression treaty on 25 July 1932, and the subsequent warming of Soviet-Polish relations, the issue of water navigation and rafting was addressed by the Convention on the rafting of forest materials along border rivers of 9 June 1933. Before this convention, local agreements between border officials were used to manage the transportation of forest materials along these waterways. Despite the Königsberg convention of 1925 and the organisation of timber rafting to Memel via Latvia along the Western Dvina, the use of Polish commercial intermediaries (such as company “Dawa-Britopol”) did not resolve the issue of rafting wood along the river Neman in 1924–1925. By the early 1930s, as the Neman problem became less relevant due to logistical inefficiencies, Soviet authorities sought alternative routes via the rivers Sluch and Moroch. These routes also faced political obstacles, with the Polish side leveraging economic means to address political issues, including the illegal crossing of the Soviet-Polish border and the subsequent detention of individuals sympathetic to the Soviet regime and Communist party.</p>2024-07-04T00:00:00+03:00Copyright (c) 2024 Journal of the Belarusian State University. International Relationshttps://journals.bsu.by/index.php/internationalRelations/article/view/6368The impact of increased international migration on French immigration policy2024-08-23T16:26:16+03:00Konstantin SnisarenkoSNISARENKA@bsu.by<p><span class="fontstyle0">In this article the author looks into the transformation of French immigration policy under the influence of burgeoning international migration. Initially focused on controlling of labour market access, the policy has evolved to encompass immigrant integration and citizenship criteria. This shift marks a transition from restrictive to selective immigration regulation, with the French establishment viewing it as a means to depoliticise the immigration issue. However, the challenge of successfully integrating of non-European immigrants into French society remains unresolved, largely due to the perceived supremacy of French culture over those of African and Asian origins.</span> </p>2024-07-04T00:00:00+03:00Copyright (c) 2024 Journal of the Belarusian State University. International Relationshttps://journals.bsu.by/index.php/internationalRelations/article/view/6372International cooperation in combating online sexual acts against children during armed conflicts: context of the UN draft Convention against cybercrime2024-08-23T16:26:16+03:00Natalia А. MarozNataliya.Maroz@gmail.com<p>The draft text of the UN Convention against cybercrime represents a significant collaborative effort by the UN Ad Hoc Committee, member states, and various stakeholders. However, additional considerations are warranted, particularly regarding the detrimental impact of cybercrime on human rights during armed conflicts. Children, as the most vulnerable social group in such scenarios, are at heightened risk of both offline and online sexual exploitation and abuse. In the absence of a robust legal framework, authorities in conflict zones are unlikely to engage effectively in international cooperation to combat these transnational crimes. Therefore, it is imperative to include a specific provision within the draft convention to ensure its applicability in addressing transnational crimes related to child pornography and other forms of online sexual exploitation and abuse of children during armed conflicts.</p>2024-07-01T00:00:00+03:00Copyright (c) 2024 Journal of the Belarusian State University. International Relations